BTA’s Cool Britannia: British national identity in the new Millennium

              Vol. 4 Nº 2 págs. 183-200. 2006
www.pasosonline.org
© PASOS. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural. ISSN 1695-7121
BTA’s Cool Britannia: British national identity in the
new Millennium
José Igor Prieto Arranz †
Universitat de les Illes Balears (España)
Abstract: This work provides an insight into the image of Britain resulting from the discourse of British
tourist promotion as reflected in materials published by the British Tourist Authority, now officially
renamed VisitBritain. Our analysis will lead us to state that a new image of the country –Cool Britannia-has
been increasingly featured in BTA materials since the late 1990s, coinciding with the New Labour
period in office. It will be argued that this truly postmodern image, currently fighting to become hege-monic,
can be analysed in terms of national identity, thus leaving behind the traditional concept of heri-tage
at least because Britannia can no longer recognise herself in a deceased body which is being artifi-cially
preserved.
Keywords: Britain; Gender; National identity; Tourism promotion
Resumen: Este trabajo profundiza en la imagen de Gran Bretaña resultante del discurso de la promoción
turística británica reflejado en los materiales publicados por la British Tourist Authority, ahora llamada
VisitBritain. Nuestro análisis nos llevará a afirmar que una nueva imagen del país –Cool Britannia (la
Gran Bretaña guay) ha visto acrecentada su presencia desde finales de la década de los 90, coincidiendo
con la victoria laborista. Se argumentará que esta imagen postmoderna, que ahora lucha por hacerse
hegemónica, se puede analizar en términos de identidad nacional, dejando así atrás el concepto tradicio-nal
de patrimonio, en parte porque Britannia ya no se reconoce a sí misma en un cuerpo difunto que está
siendo conservado artificialmente.
Palabras clave: Gran Bretaña; Género; Identidad nacional; Promoción turística
† • José Igor Prieto Arranz is Member of the research group L’Expressió de la Diversitat Cultural en el Món Anglò-fon.
Member of the Departament de Filologia Espanyola, Moderna i Llatina, Universitat de les Illes Balears E-mail:
jose-igor.prieto@uib.es
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Introduction. Aims and corpus gathered
The aim of the present work is to pro-vide
an insight into the image of Britain
resulting from the discourse of British tour-ist
promotion as reflected in materials1
published by the British Tourist Authority
(BTA), now officially renamed VisitBritain.
With this aim in mind, a corpus of texts
was gathered whose heterogeneity is illus-trative
of the vast array of materials pub-lished
by BTA. The texts included in our
corpus are listed below and were mostly
available to the general public during the
years 2000 and 2001 (subgroups have been
made for ease of exposition).
1.1. Texts promoting Britain addressing a
general audience and published in several
languages, including Spanish.
-BTA [trans. unknown] 1998: Gran Breta-ña.
Cómo planificar sus vacaciones. Lon-don:
BTA. MG/SPA/99 ISBN 0 7095 7027 9.
-BTA [trans. unknown] 1999a: Gran Bre-taña.
Cómo planificar sus vacaciones. Lon-don:
BTA. MG/SPA/00 ISBN 0 7095 7160 7.
-BTA 1999b: Britain. Millennium edition.
London: BTA. No ISBN available. This
text, distributed in North America, only
promotes England.
-BTA 2000a: Britain. Vacation planner
2001. London: BTA. MG/USA/01 ISBN 0
7095 / 7340 5. This is the standard Ameri-can
text available throughout the 2001
campaign.
-BTA [trans. unknown] 2001a: Gran Breta-ña.
Información turística. London: BTA.
M2BRGSP ISBN 0 7095 74673.
1.2. Texts targeting low-budget travellers.
-BTA 1999c: Britain on a budget. Boston:
Student Advantage, LLC. No ISBN avail-able.
It addresses a young, student Ameri-can
audience.
-BTA [trans. unknown] 2001b: Gran Bre-taña
a buen precio. London: BTA.
M2BFLSP ISBN 0 7095 7445 2.
2.3. Materials targeting an essentially
young audience.
-BTA 1999d: UK The guide. London: BTA.
No ISBN available.
-BTA 2000b: UK The guide 2001. London:
BTA. ISSN 1464-5769.
-BTA [Byword trans.] 2000c: UK The guide
2001. London: BTA. ISSN 1464-5769. Al-though
the same title and ISSN numbers
are maintained, the copy of this text is in
Spanish.
2.4. Materials targeting the 55+ segment.
-BTA 2000d: Britain – Time to travel. New
York: BTA. ISNBN 0 7095 7333 2.
2.5. Other materials promoting more spe-cific
areas or aspects of Britain.
-BTA [Byword trans.] 2001c: Londres. Ma-pa
y guía. London: BTA. ISBN 0 7095 7493
2 M2LMGSP.
-BTA 2000e: UK city culture. London: BTA.
ISBN 0 7095 7303 UKCC/2000.
-BTA 2000f: The best of new Britain. Lon-don:
BTA. ISBN 0 7095 7248 4 ENG/00.
-BTA [trans. unknown] 2001d: Gran Bre-taña.
Información útil 2002. London: BTA.
M2FACSP ISBN 0 7095 7438 X.
Although far from comprehensive, our
corpus is varied enough so as to show the
wide range of materials published by BTA.
In order to overcome such expectable limi-tations,
some relevant BTA internet re-sources
were duly accessed (see below) so
as to guarantee that the conclusions
reached are indeed relevant and do not
apply exclusively to a minor percentage of
BTA publications.
A new Britain?
The analysis of the texts above enables
us to state that a new image of Britain, far
from the typical and idyllic semi-rural
paradise firmly established in our minds
(see Edensor, 2002: 41ff; Prieto, 2004a), has
been increasingly featured in BTA materi-als
since the late 1990s. Quite interest-ingly,
those were the times when the new
Labour government put an end to the long
years of Conservative power. Although this
new Britain is certainly featured in those
BTA materials targeting a general audi-ence
(e.g. BTA, 1998; 1999a; 2000a; and
2001a), in which it stands side by side
rather uncomfortably with traditional,
semi-rural England/Britain, it is most
clearly seen in those other materials target-ing
the younger audiences. In our view, five
features characterise this new Britain pro-moted
by BTA: a greater sense of equality
between the British nations; its cosmopoli-tan
nature; nightlife excess; the expression
of sexual liberation; and postmodernity.
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Greater equality between the UK nations
It could be argued that this first feature
is present in the tendency for these texts to
avoid the term ‘Britain’ or ‘Great Britain’,
referring to the whole country simply as
‘UK’. This, which does not usually appear
in materials promoting individual British
nations, may be taken as a resolution not to
ignore Northern Ireland –which happens
only too frequently when the ambiguous
‘Britain’ or even ‘Great Britain’ are used
instead.
Similarly, shocking as it may seem,
there is another aspect which might well be
pointed out here in connection with this
desired equality between the British na-tions,
and this is the surprisingly little em-phasis
BTA materials generally place on
the British monarchy. If we take into ac-count
that the crown is not only a symbol of
the unity of the country but one of the UK’s
main attractions for foreign tourists, this is
all the more surprising. Consequently,
there must be a strong reason behind the
decision to give up the monarchy as a bait
for tourists in British tourist promotion and
it might be claimed that national identity
questions lurk behind such a move.
Indeed, openly promoting the monarchy
might be interpreted in some circles as a
way of giving special prominence to Eng-land
above the remaining UK nations. The
problem seems to lie in the origins of Eng-lish
national identity, too closely connected
with both the traditional concept of Brit-ishness
and the British monarchy itself.
Overlooking some prior, and indeed excep-tional
moments of ‘patriotic fervour’
pointed out by Kumar (2001: 45), Newman
places the origins of a timid English na-tionalism
around the mid 18th century, and
interprets it as a reaction on the part of the
English popular classes to affirm their
Germanic origins against the French influ-ence
cherished by the country’s élite
(Newman, 1997: 124ff; Oergel, 1998: 75-76).
It seems, however, that this nationalism
never quite reached the levels of its Euro-pean
counterparts. Several reasons are
normally considered here, although per-haps
the most important one was that, by
that time, the unit we now know as Britain
already existed. This is important indeed
because it suggests that at the time when
England was first experiencing its own
nationalist feelings, the Union of Parlia-ments
between England and Scotland was
achieved, which is thought to have sup-pressed
all forms of nationalism, not only
Scottish but also English (Wellings,
1999/2000: 102).
Nevertheless, the position of England
within this newly created union was special
because it was clearly hegemonic from the
very beginning. And it is precisely because
of this supremacy that it could be said that
‘the British nation-state has been organised
symbolically by the ethnic [or rather social]
codes of its core internal nation –of Eng-land
[...]’ (Schwarz, 2001: 161). This makes
us understand why, according to Paxman,
English nationalism hardly exists and has
never quite existed since ‘nationalism was,
and remains, a British thing’ (2001: 19).
The moment the Union was created, the
English concentrated their efforts on this
Union, so that Englishness came to be
identified with the allegiance to the institu-tions
of the state, among which stood out
the crown itself (Langlands, 1999: 60;
Kumar, 2001: 45). This clarifies why Eng-lishness
and Britishness became almost
indistinguishable for the English popula-tion
(Wellings, 1999/2000: 102) and could
certainly account for the tendency which
has been detected in recent BTA texts to
avoid monarchy-related topics. Otherwise,
it would be very difficult to explain why
such a popular institution among tourists
should not be paid more attention.
Only seven texts in our corpus refer to
the monarchy in one way or another. BTA
1998, for example, devotes its cover to a
royal ceremony in which we can see the
royal guards parading. However, this is the
only reference to the monarchy to be found
in the whole text and, since it has no ac-companying
copy, it is therefore decontex-tualised
and likely to be associated by the
reader with pomp and splendour rather
than with the British crown itself.
BTA 1999b, on its part, only contains a
picture of Sandringham (7), not a very well-known
site for overseas visitors, who will
surely miss the implied royal connections
since the copy does not refer to these; and
one of Buckingham Palace. This latter site
does qualify as a universal symbol of the
British monarchy. However, given that the
copy, once again, does not even mention it,
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and that the aforementioned picture is
clearly placed so as to be contrasted with
that of the Millennium Dome (signifying
past and present/future London, respec-tively),
royal connections are lost again.
Figure 1: Past and present/future London. (BTA,
1999b: 10)
Royal connections are more explicitly
presented in BTA 2000a. This is surely
related to the enormous popularity of some
members of the British Royal Family in
America (BTA 2000a is a text aimed to be
distributed in the USA and Canada). Thus,
the Queen is mentioned in the copy, urging
the reader to ‘come out at Buckingham
Palace to see whether the flag is flying to
indicate the Queen is at home. You may be
in time to see the historic spectacle of the
Changing of the Guard!’ (3). However, once
again, the visual references to the Monar-chy
are reduced to a tiny little photograph
depicting the Changing of the Guard cere-mony,
which the visitor will associate with
age-old tradition and splendour rather than
with the Monarchy itself. In fact, the rest of
the references that the copy makes to Roy-alty
are to Princess Diana, more a world-famous
pop icon than a symbol of national
unity –as the text itself suggests:
“Next to it [the National Gallery] is the
National Portrait Gallery, where the li-kenesses
of politicians and pop stars sit
side by side, ranging from Shakespeare
to Diana, Princess of Wales. [...]
Nearby the stately dome of St Paul’s Ca-thedral,
one of the great symbols of
London and where Diana, Princess of
Wales was married, rises proudly
around city office blocks. [...]
Diana Memorial Walkway: A new
walkway commemorating the life of
Diana, Princess of Wales has been
laid with 89 bronze and aluminium
disks marking a path passing places
significant in her life. From Kensing-ton
Palace, where she lived, the path
runs through the Royal Parks of Ken-sington
Gardens, Hyde Park, Green
Park and St James’s Park and pas-sing
Spencer House, her family house;
Clarence House, from where she left
to get married, and Buckingham Pa-lace.
[...]” (BTA, 2000a: 3, 4, 6)
It is obvious, then, that the media-created
figure of Princess Diana completely
overshadows whatever other symbolic
meanings such references to the Monarchy
might have. This may be read as an indica-tor
that the unifying power of the Monarch
is no longer held in such high esteem as not
quite so long ago. In fact, references to
other sovereigns can be far from reveren-tial.
This is found in BTA 2000b (and trans-lated
into Spanish in BTA 2000c), where
the only reference to the Monarchy is of
this kind, thus showing the little appeal
this institution has for the younger popula-tion:
“Hampton Court Palace, south west of
London, was the place to be in the 16th
century. It was the royal seat of Henry
VIII [...], so you could have seen him and
one of his six wives, depending when
you were there and which one still had a
head. The biggest attraction these days
is the fantastic maze”. (BTA, 2000b: 17;
see also BTA, 2000c: 17)
Finally, we must mention that all BTA
materials meant to be distributed through-out
2002 feature the logo of the Queen’s
Golden Jubilee on their covers (see Figure
2). However, this does not translate as a
substantial increase in the space devoted to
royal themes. It is true that BTA 2001a
includes a close-up of the Queen on its
opening page, whose copy highlights the
Jubilee:
“En el 2002 la nación se sumará además
a la celebración del cincuentenario del
reinado de Isabel II. Las festividades
tendrán su momento cumbre el fin de
semana del 1 al 4 de junio. ¿Qué mejor
excusa que los acontecimientos del 2002
para venir y vivirlos de cerca? Es-peramos
verle pronto”2. (BTA, 2001a: 3)
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Figure 2: BTA celebrates the Golden Jubilee (BTA, 2001a & BTA, 2001b)
However, this is the first and last time
this event is mentioned. A few pages af-terwards,
in the section devoted to Lon-don,
the visual component features the
Changing of the Guard and Buckingham
Palace again, but the closest reference the
copy makes to the Jubilee is to be found
in the paragraph devoted to London’s
‘mansiones históricas’ (historic houses),
which are not even called ‘royal palaces’
and where, once again, Princess Diana
stands above any other royal competitor:
‘[s]i le interesan las mansiones históricas,
puede visitar Hampton Court, donde En-rique
VIII cortejaba a sus reinas, con
espléndidos tapices y cocinas de estilo
tudor; o Kensington Palace, donde nació
la reina Victoria y residió la princesa
Diana’3 (8). BTA 2001b, in turn, only de-votes
part of a small paragraph to mark
the Queen’s Jubilee. The emphasis is
clearly on the pomp and splendour of the
occasion rather than on any possible
meaning the celebration itself may have,
and this is illustrated through the inclu-sion
of a small photograph depicting a
royal guard, possibly during the Chang-ing
of the Guard ceremony: ‘[c]uando se
visita Londres, sea cuando sea, siempre
es época de festival, especialmente en
2002, cuando se celebre el Quincuagésimo
Aniversario de la coronación de la Reina
con espectáculos y desfiles de gran
pompa, conciertos y entretenimiento
gratis’4 (6-7).
Overall, then, it could be said that the
theme of the British monarchy is not ex-ploited
to its full potential. The space
devoted to it is tiny, especially if com-pared
to the enormous attention other
attractions get paid, as we shall soon see.
More than the institution itself and its
symbolic function as a fundamental com-ponent
of what Britishness used to be,
BTA highlights the pomp and colourful-ness
of royal ceremonies, always a treas-ured
object of the avid tourist gaze. And if
one royal figure is highlighted at all, this
is not the Queen herself but the late Prin-cess
of Wales, whose unambiguous status
as a pop icon makes her closer to pop and
film stars rather than royalty itself.
At all events, we find it quite surpris-ing
that such little attention should be
devoted to royalty within the Theme Park
Britain (Boniface, 1994) BTA promotes. It
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is certainly very difficult to determine
why this is so, although an interpretation
of the situation in terms of national iden-tity
is also possible, the key lying in ques-tioning
the extent to which the British
monarchy is still felt to represent the
whole of the United Kingdom. Gruffudd
wisely refers to the controversy around
the fire in Windsor Castle and in turn
casts doubt over the identification of the
non-English British nations with a com-mon
crown, only to reach the conclusion
that the British monarchy has always
been securest in England (1997: 128).
However, even England is now showing
signs of instability as regards its own
allegiance to the monarchy. The de-emphasised
Protestant character of the
monarch (in keeping with an increasingly
secularised people), the disintegration of
the British Empire (of which the British
monarch had always been the visible
head, adapting and inventing traditions
which now seem to have existed from
time immemorial) and the subsequent
mass immigration which has turned Eng-land
into a truly multicultural society are
all factors which should always be borne
in mind (see Cannadine, 1983; Coleman,
1999). Thus, we can draw a parallel be-tween
the instability of Englishness and
that of the British monarchy, since the
disrupting factors causing these two pil-lars
to crumble have been very much the
same.
Cosmopolitanism
The next feature characterising the
new image of Britain that BTA texts help
disseminate is its cosmopolitan nature,
which is overtly concealed in virtually all
the materials promoting the British na-tions
individually (see, for instance,
Prieto, 2004b, for the Scottish case). In all
such materials the non-WASP part of the
British population is seriously underrep-resented.
BTA texts targeting a general
audience are not very different in this
respect, providing isolated references to
this multiculturalism, mainly to improve
the rather poor image of the British cui-sine:
“Londres, hoy en día, es una de las
mejores capitales del mundo en tér-minos
de restaurantes. La cocina
moderna británica combina lo mejor
de las comidas tradicionales ingle-sas
con elementos robados de las
grandes cocinas del mundo. El rico
patrimonio cultural de Londres sig-nifica
que podrá disfrutar de la co-cina
de más de 60 países distintos.
Existen más de 7.000 restaurantes
en la ciudad, así que podrá comer
sushi, rosti, espaguetis o tomar el té
de las cinco”.5 (BTA, 1999a: 9)
“Encantadoras ciudades de mercado
y pintorescos pueblos salpican la
campiña galesa, mientras que ciu-dades
como Swansea y Cardiff, la
capital, rezuman un cosmopolitismo
vibrante, con excelentes comercios y
la fabulosa colección de cuadros im-presionistas
del National Museum
and Gallery of Wales”.6 (BTA,
2001a: 17)
However, their respective visual com-ponents
do not illustrate this aspect so
that, whenever a member of the host
population is represented, this is hardly
ever of ethnic origin.
On the other hand, we also have those
BTA materials targeting the younger
market segment, and the image of Britain
derived from these is a totally different
one. In this case, the verbal component is
second to the visual, with multiple images
clearly denoting not only racial integra-tion
but also and most importantly, inter-racial
mix –the greatest taboo according
to Gilroy (1999: 67). Also worth mention-ing
is the fact that such images may be
featured on the covers of these IPPs, thus
achieving the greatest visibility.
The fact that it is BTA that actually
attempts to integrate the British ethnic
minorities, and not the English Tourism
Council or any of the English junior Offi-cial
Tourism Administrations, is indeed
noteworthy since it seems to confirm that
hyphenated identities (say Scottish-
British or, for this matter, Afro-British)
can only be produced at a British, not
English, level. In any event, it is equally
interesting to point out that this racial
harmony is not present in all BTA mate-rials.
As mentioned above, those target-ing
a general audience present very much
an idyllic, exclusively white Britain –
especially in materials targeting the 55+
segment.
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Figure 3: Multiethnic Britain (BTA, 1999c: 13; BTA, 1999d: 1; BTA, 2000b&c: 20-21)
Nightlife excess
In this new, multiracial Britain, the
balance and placidity of the quintessen-tial
English/British life are substituted by
a different feature –the third on our list:
nightlife excess. In this regard, the gen-eral
layout of youth-oriented BTA texts is
dominated by small, dark, funky-looking
photographs, many of them depicting
night-time scenes, and sometimes even
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fusing with the verbal component. A col-lage
presentation and the combination of
blurred, slightly out-of-focus images add
to the (hyper) real effect of the disco
lights and flashes.
In order to match this visual compo-nent,
the copy is different too. The gen-eral
style, with plenty of colloquialisms
but showing at the same time a carefully-planned
structure, shows a substantial
departure from the generally hackneyed
prose found in most of the remaining pub-lications;
the at times humorous mix of
formal and informal styles; and the di-rect,
sometimes even violent way in
which the reader is addressed -in BTA
1999d, female readers that want to have
their share of clubbing are told to ‘pack
their cleavage’ if they do not have a ‘man-bag’
[a male companion] whilst everyone
is advised not to whoop or cheer unless
‘you want everyone to think you’re a bit
stupid’ (13)- are all features expectable in
a text taken from fashionable publica-tions
like GQ, Men’s Health and the like
rather than from a tourist brochure. This
general style reaches levels of informality
which are quite simply unthinkable in the
average tourist brochure. In this regard,
we must bear in mind that this extract
has been taken from a text targeting a
young readership. Only then can we un-derstand
that we are witnesses to an ob-vious
effort to use the same lingo as the
targeted audience so as to make the im-pression
that readers are not reading a
simple promotional brochure but actually
listening to one of their friends. This is
what Dann calls ‘ego-targeting’ (1996:
185-188).
It involves endowing readers with the
feeling that they have been selected and
are being addressed singularly, having
been singled out from the crowd. Thus,
the reader becomes a subject. Travel
marketing operates along these lines,
emphasizing the uniqueness of the indi-vidual
and the services offered for that
individual. All this can be achieved by
adopting a conversational style which
suits the needs of, and reduces anxiety in,
the targeted subject.7
Sexual liberation
Very much related to the theme of
‘groovy’ Britain is a general atmosphere
of sexual liberation. Generally speaking,
sexual connotations are not normally
found in European tourist brochures,
although it is equally true that the visual
component in such texts does tend to
privilege the heterosexual couple when it
comes to representing the guest popula-tion
but no overt sexuality is normally
seen in such representations (see Prieto,
2004b for an in-depth analysis of such
aspects in Scottish tourist promotion).
Figure 4: British nightlife. (BTA, 1999d: 12-13; BTA, 2000b&c: 12)
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Figure 5: Sexual Britain (BTA, 1999d: 1 & 12; BTA, 2000b&c: 6)
The scene changes quite dramatically
in BTA’s new Britain: images of scantily-clad
girls or even open sexuality (BTA
1999d’s cover shows a young, interracial
couple in bed) are not exceptional, al-though
it must also be said that BTA
2000b and BTA 2000c are considerably
more conservative in this regard.
It follows from above that sexual nu-ances
are more easily found in the visual
component, although they can also be
expressed verbally. Thus, BTA 2000b and
BTA 2000c openly state that British clubs
are ‘sexually charged’ (‘tienen [...] ambi-ente
de carga sexual’) (13). Equally illus-trative
is the ‘pack-your-cleavage’ tip
mentioned above.
This sexual liberation does not only re-fer
to the sexual innuendo that can be
found in these texts: it also allows for
other ways of satisfying one’s sexual
needs, different from the heterosexual
couple. A unique feature of BTA’s youth-oriented
materials is that, as opposed to
other British tourist texts, they openly
acknowledge the existence of the gay
traveller in yet another form of niche
marketing and, therefore, ego-targeting.
As stated above, gayness is fully rec-ognised
in youth-oriented materials, al-though
we must also consider that the
American edition of BTA’s standard bro-chure
does contain a page advertising
their other publications, one of which is
precisely Britain Inside & Out, BTA’s
gay-oriented IPP. The advertisement
reads as follows:
“Britain has a vibrant gay and les-bian
culture and community just
waiting to welcome you. This is the
land of W. H. Auden and Sir Ian
McKellen, Elton John and Boy Ge-orge,
Virginia Woolf and Vita Sack-ville-
West –to name but a few of
those who have contributed to the
essence of what it is to be British”.
(BTA, 2000a: 34)
Rather than the fact that homosexual-ity
should be included at all –a rather
shocking feature, were it to be found in
an equivalent Spanish text- or the com-ments
about the vibrancy of the British
gay scene –just the expectable superlative
language that can be found in any bro-chure-
what has drawn our attention is
the way the text presents gayness as part
of the essence of Britishness –not Eng-lishness.
Targeting the homosexual tour-ist
is indeed a very clever marketing ma-noeuvre
given the extraordinary growth
potential of this market segment (recent
studies confirm that gay8 tourists, espe-cially
couples, take more holidays a year
and spend more than the average tourist).
If we assume that 10% of the world’s
population is gay and that only a tiny
fraction of this population has ‘come out
of the closet’ and has an openly gay life-style,
it is clear that the growth potential
of this segment in the tourist industry is
enormous indeed -see Want (1998) and,
especially Russell (2001: 42-44) for a de-
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tailed analysis of the gay travel segment.
There is no doubt that general attitudes
towards homosexuality have changed
quite dramatically in the last few years,
not only in the UK but also in most of the
western world –the UK has recently low-ered
the gay age of consent- and this
must have led BTA to target this seg-ment.
However, it was not the first na-tional
tourist organisation to do it: the
Netherlands pioneered the way in 1992,
and then Australia, Canada, France and
the UK followed suit (Russell, 2001: 57-
58).
However, recognising homosexuality
does not automatically involve putting it
at the very centre of what it means to be
British, although this is the position BTA
seems to have chosen in order to market
the country to a gay audience. The posi-tion
of gayness within the more general
framework of Britishness is an interest-ing
aspect which Plummer explores
(2001), reaching the conclusion that even
if Britishness has traditionally been con-structed
around heterosexuality and fa-milism
–undoubtedly influenced by Eng-lishness-
(387), something has definitely
changed in the British scene when cabi-net
ministers are openly gay and gay pop
stars attend royal funerals (388). It is
obvious that this is just the beginning for,
according to him, British gay culture is
still very much an indoor culture (395-
396). Nevertheless, what interests us the
most is the fact that he always associates
it with Britishness, never with English-ness
–although most of the places with a
‘vibrant gay and lesbian culture and
community’, as BTA puts it, are in Eng-land.
Indeed, Englishness seems impossi-ble
to detach from mainstream sexuality.
Thus, Davis discusses
“T]he tensions between gayness and
Englishness, with Englishness config-ured
as a consortium of factors includ-ing
class, suburbanism, and such men-tal/
behavioural characteristics as re-pression.
Arguably, the best British
cinema about homosexuality, from
Victim [Dearden, 1961] to Get Real, is
as concerned with national identity
and politics as with sexual orientation;
indeed, its strength and worth lies in
the interrogation of the intersection of
these variables”. (2000: 243)
In this light, Boy George’s ‘Well I’m
English and gay, so obviously I’m mad’,
once humorously quoted by BTA on its
gay-oriented website (www.gaybri-tain.
org) makes perfect sense.
BTA, then, does have gay-oriented ma-terials,
although these (both the IPP and
the website) are in English only and cater
basically for an American audience (the
USA’s gay travel market is the most de-veloped
in the world). However, BTA’s
UK The Guide, which is translated into
several languages including Spanish,
does contain explicit gay references. Curi-ously
enough, BTA 2000b and BTA 2000c
(its Spanish version) are far more conser-vative
than its preceding edition (BTA,
1999d) and keep these references to a
bare minimum. Thus, the only place
where gayness is explicitly referred to is
in a section promoting Brighton (20-21),
where the town is introduced as ‘a fruity
mix of different cultures. A thriving gay
scene, top nightclubs, and a strong surfer
crowd, all within a square mile, make the
town the social hotspot of the South’. BTA
1999d, however, devotes a whole section
to the subject, an extract from which we
reproduce below:
“They talk about being in the right
place at the right time, and there
has never been a better time or pla-ce
to be gay than in Britain right
now. [...] [T]he gay and lesbian li-festyle
is now flavour of the month
with everyone looking for a piece of
the action and is understandably
growing in popularity among strai-ght
punters. This has led to “neutral
areas” surrounding most gay villa-ges
which are characterised by bars,
clubs and restaurants that welcome
gay custom while remaining predo-minantly
straight. Such areas, al-though
not “official” in any sense,
tend to attract men and women that
want to avoid “cruisy” environ-ments”.
(BTA, 1999d: 18)
To be noted is not only the generalised
informal style but, above all, the gay lingo
used throughout, with terms such as
‘straight’, ‘villages’ or ‘cruisy’. Once again,
this is a very good example of ego-targeting
and shows the extraordinary
José Igor Prieto Arranz 193
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versatility of BTA’s copywriters to adapt
their promotional language to the target
reader.
Three more aspects are worth men-tioning
regarding gayness as treated by
BTA. The first concerns the actual repre-sentation
of gay people. As can be seen
below, gayness is here quite tastefully
illustrated through a selection of small
pictures in which the sexual orientation
of the represented participants is sug-gested
rather than openly shown. Cer-tainly,
the clothes worn by some of the
men in the photographs, the close dis-tance
between them or the big notice
reading ‘OUT in the streets’ are signs
that lead us towards these images’ pre-ferred
reading. However, had they been
found in another context these images
would have been ambiguous. There is
obvious reluctance to avoid representing
physical contact, which might be found
offensive by some readers (in one of the
images we can see a girl in the foreground
whose arm is being caressed by someone’s
hand. However, we cannot see who that
person is. The context makes us picture
another girl, but this is never explicitly
shown).
On the other hand, it is to be expected
that gay-oriented materials will contain
more overt representations. This is in-deed
the case on BTA’s Gay Britain web-site,
although it must also be said that
intimate contact such as the holding of
hands or, or course, kissing, is strictly
forbidden (see Figure 7)
Equally worth praising is BTA’s
(timid) attempt to overcome representa-tional
taboos, tackling interracial and
female homosexuality, as can be seen in
Figure 6.
The second aspect we wish to highlight
here is the strong connections between
homosexuality and city life. Indeed, both
BTA 1999d and BTA’s Gay Britain web-site
promote urban destinations exclu-sively.
BTA 1999’s choice, for example, is
London, Manchester, Edinburgh, Brigh-ton
and Blackpool. This is yet another
clue that leads us to interpret that gay-ness,
associated as it is to city life, might
eventually become part of Britishness but
will never quite merge with (typically,
semi-rural) Englishness (see Paxman,
2001).
Lastly, we cannot help commenting on
the much more conservative nature of
BTA 2000b and 2000c: the general layout
is more mainstream, the style becomes
more formal and, of course, gay refer-ences
are kept to a bare minimum. Was
the audience’s response to its previous
edition not quite as good as BTA ex-pected?
Did British authorities find the
IPP offensive? Perhaps Britain is still not
quite so modern as BTA claims after all.
Figure 6: Gayness (U) (BTA, 1999d: 18-19)
194 BTA’s Cool Britannia: ...
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Figure 7: Gayness (PG). (BTA, 27 / 05 / 2002: Gay Britain. http://www.gaybritain.org)
Millennium Britain
This said, we can now tackle the last
aspect which, in our view, characterises
BTA’s new Britain. An amazing 79 new
tourist attractions opened in 2000 to cele-brate
the Millennium in Britain, which –
together with the £377 million invested
into more than 800 sites- gives quite an
accurate idea of the boost that British
tourist authorities wanted the Millen-nium
to give the British tourist industry
(ETC, 2002). As could be expected, such
attractions, especially those opening for
the first time, needed adequate promo-tion.
And they certainly received it, BTA’s
2000 campaign materials placing particu-lar
emphasis on them.
Such attractions are best referred to
as postmodern due to a number of rea-sons.
Some are purely architectural: a
staggering number of these attractions
are encapsulated in brand new, high-tech
buildings presenting eclectic and, there-fore,
denationalised styles which could be
found in Britain as well as anywhere else
on earth (see Jencks, 1996: 50-519). Such
buildings are often more important than,
or at least as important as, the contents
of the attraction itself. Other reasons are
more sociological in nature, and these
refer to the de-differentiation between
different spheres of society: heritage and
non-heritage, culture and consumption,
reality and fiction... Shopping centres,
malls and villages have now become tour-ist
attractions in their own right and are
consequently promoted as such. The tra-ditionally
despised industrial urban land-scape
may never have managed to become
part of Englishness but now is not only
accepted but also praised as essential
Britishness, which has in industrial heri-tage
one of its main assets. Thus, still
working factories such as Cadbury’s wel-come
staggering numbers of visitors
which many a gallery would certainly like
for themselves. Industrial premises no
longer in use (such as Big Pit in Wales)
now obtain more receipts from tourists
than they did when they still fulfilled
their primary function. Alternatively,
derelict industrial areas or buildings are
being reconverted into leisure or cultural
centres (this would be the case of many a
city’s waterfront, including Birmingham,
Liverpool, Manchester or Newcastle, and
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London’s latest top art gallery, Tate Mod-ern)
(see Frith, 1991: 139-143). What is
clear is that what such attractions try to
do is resurrect the past. However, this
past has never existed. What the visitor is
given is, at the very least, just a ‘rose-coloured
view’ of it. All this, according to
Hannabuss, ‘characterises living in an old
country which “trafficks in history”. It is a
world of both reality and myth, authentic-ity
and falsehood’, which fully justifies a
postmodern approach to it (1999: 297-
298).
The relevant fact here is that a sub-stantial
number of all the attractions
mentioned in BTA texts belong to this
category. In this regard, BTA 1999a, far
from being an exception, sets a trend
which reaches its peak in BTA 2000e (UK
city culture) and BTA 2000f (The best of
new Britain). The latter makes a selection
of (truly postmodern) Millennium attrac-tions
whereas the former promotes a se-ries
of city destinations where most of the
aforementioned attractions happened to
be located. Here, two attractions stand
out above the rest: the British Airways
London Eye and, above all, the Millen-nium
Dome, on which we shall now con-centrate.
The case of the Dome is highly inter-esting.
Very rarely has there been so
much controversy around a single attrac-tion.
This singular building, erected in
the London district of Greenwich (‘the
place of time’) was conceived as a celebra-tion
of Britishness (not Englishness, in
spite of the confusion noted in some of the
materials analysed) on the occasion of the
Millennium, and this may have been at
the root of the problem. The location cho-sen
is indicative indeed. On the one hand,
it stands on a formerly industrial waste-land,
typical of many other postmodern
attractions. On the other, Greenwich has
long been known as ‘the place of time’,
from which Meridian 0 takes its name,
and such associations may well be inter-preted
as a claim to centrality on the part
of the British in an age of change and
unstable identities. In this regard, it is a
clear reminder of the Festival of Britain
in 1951, with which many similarities can
be found. First, the Festival of Britain
was also held in a derelict area (it was
part of a revitalisation scheme for Lon-don’s
South Bank). Second, it was also
the work of a Labour government and,
perhaps precisely because of this, it faced
Tory opposition from the very beginning.
And third, it was an ambitious project to
restore faith in the nation (Hendon, 1999:
15).
In spite of all the criticism, millions
visited the Festival in 1951 and turned it
into a public success, just as millions also
visited the Dome in 2000. However, the
Dome was always portrayed as a failure
by a substantial part of the media, con-tinuously
emphasising the millions of
pounds that were being poured into the
doomed dome to prevent its closure before
time while the NHS was bankrupt.
Hendon describes the Festival of Brit-ain
as
[A] heterogeneous collection of objects
and buildings, narratives and voices,
held together by an idea of Britain. [...]
The Festival was not simply a trade
exhibition, but more of an obviously
historical, national and ideological se-ries
of displays that could not avoid
asking what it means to be British
now in 1951. And yet the Festival’s
sense of Britishness always remained
unplanned and uncoordinated”. (1999:
17; 20)
Should this be true, there would not be
too many differences between the 1951
Festival and the exhibition held at the
Dome in 2000, which was widely criti-cised
as a ‘random selection of objects
with disconnected themes’ (Markus, 1999:
10). Thus, most critics would agree that
the main drawback of the Dome was that
its contents were silly, childish, stupid or
simply non-existent. Looking at it from
the outside, and having visited neither of
these two attractions, one cannot help
marvelling at the extraordinary similari-ties
between both of them. One question
comes to our mind: had the Festival of
Britain been held in 2000 and not in
1951, would it have been a success? Mar-kus
gives us a clue:
“Who will need what encouragement
to remove the Greenwich Dome after
the year 2000? Will it remain (and will
it last) to act as some kind of memory-site?
Of what will it remind the world?
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Will it be used for something else –as
Hagia Sophia could become a mosque
and then a museum, and the Pantheon
a Christian church? Cool Britannia
and postmodernism have made grand
ideas impossible –and yet clothing the
ideas in grand architectural gestures
merely accentuates their triviality”.
(1999: 11)
Yet, in our view, Markus misses an es-sential
point: the very grand idea the
Dome was trying to sell was precisely
that of ‘Cool Britannia’, a re-invented
concept of Britishness designed to provide
a fragmented people with some sense of
unity. Could it not be, then, that the al-most
unanimous rejection of the Dome on
the part of the media was caused as a
consequence of the crisis that the very
concept of Britishness seems to be going
through? Hendon suggests this is indeed
the case, using terminology that clearly
links this question with the foucauldian
notion of discourse:
“What is important here [...] is that
the Dominant Story of Britishness is
the same whoever you are, it is crude
and unbelievable, but most of all it is
not you. It draws its power from the
very fact that no one takes it seriously.
It is in the inflection of that story that
personal identity and national identity
are formed, and that has more to do
with fashion than with politics. It is
also essential to remember that it is
only a story. Some people take stories
more seriously than others, and this is
a class issue. Some people think that
their stories are more serious than
other people’s, and this is a question of
power”. (1999: 26)
Here we have, therefore, indisputable
evidence for the inseparability of the dis-courses
of tourism and nationalism and
for the convenience of a discursive ap-proach
to the former.
Conclusion
We have seen that, together with the
traditional semi-rural Britain, BTA in-creasingly
promotes a new Britain, very
much in keeping with the Cool Britannia
that New Labour wants to see emerge
from the crumbling ruins of a national
identity based on a glorious past. It is a
new Britannia aiming to cover all of the
British nations; a new Britannia trying to
come to terms with Britain’s postcolonial
reality, fully recognising the richness and
variety to be found in an essentially cos-mopolitan
society; a new Britannia that
seems to have left behind the traditional
rural presumption and that has taken the
great industrial city as a powerful em-blem
for everything that Englishness was
not; a new Britannia no longer taking the
heterosexual family unit as its pillar; and
a new Britannia that cannot accept the
traditional concept of heritage simply
because she can no longer recognise her-self
in a deceased body which is being
artificially preserved.
To what extent, then, can we say that
this new Cool Britannia represents Brit-ain
as a whole? To start with, we cannot
forget that we are dealing with a new
discursive formation following important
changes in the hegemonic structure. As
the product of a discourse, therefore, Cool
Britannia should be regarded as yet an-other
construction. And, in this case, a
construction which is still not firmly es-tablished
in a hegemonic position. We can
find evidence to support these claims in
the way the five identifying features dis-cussed
above are presented in BTA mate-rials.
The first refers to the equality be-tween
the different British regions. In
spite of all the obvious efforts, the truth is
that the so-called English presumption
(Taylor, 2001) sometimes pervades lin-guistically
through the use of ‘England’
and ‘English’ when ‘Britain/UK’ or ‘Brit-ish’
is meant. But apart from this, men-tion
should also be made of the fact that
an overwhelming majority of those sites
promoted in BTA materials are still to be
found in England, which makes it rather
difficult for them to claim to represent the
rich diversity to be found across the UK.
It is clear therefore that England’s cul-tural
domination and the subsequent
institutionally-supported invisibility of
Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales
have found another exhaust valve in the
official promotion of British tourism, as
exemplified in BTA materials. It is clearly
not our intention at all to question the
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efficiency of BTA’s campaigns, which
have in fact proved highly successful in
many ways. However, luring the prospec-tive
tourist does not necessarily mean
using real images in the promotion proc-ess.
The BTA’s bestselling image of Brit-ain,
then, is a distorted image of Britain
in that it still is essentially an Anglicised
one.
But this is not the only unstable prin-ciple,
for Britain’s cosmopolitan nature is
not consistently recognised. It is true that
youth-oriented materials do tend to in-clude
non-WASP represented participants
and, even more significantly, interracial
relationships. However, a remarkable
change was noted between the 1999 and
2000 editions of UK The Guide, the latter
representing the return to a conservative
conception of brochures and severely con-straining
all those aspects which did not
comfortably fit within the traditional
concept of Englishness/Britishness. On
the other hand, the Spanish materials
targeting a general audience plus those
others targeting the 55+ segment were no
different in this regard from the essen-tially
WASP representations to be found
in official materials promoting each of the
UK nations. It is easy to presume, then,
that some sectors of British society are
still not at ease with a ‘de-racialised’ con-cept
of Britishness, let alone Englishness.
The third aspect was the urban nature
of this new Britain. Once again, we have
noted a contradiction in this respect. On
the one hand, youth-oriented materials
are absolutely urban, emphasising little
else apart from the great industrial con-urbations.
On the other, those IPPs tar-geting
the 55+ segment are essentially
rural and present an altogether different
view of the country. Somewhere in be-tween
lie the rest of materials targeting a
general audience which, although intro-ducing
aspects of the new Britain, still do
not renounce the idyllic semi-rural repre-sentation
of traditional England/Britain.
This can be easily linked to the truly
urban nature of gayness which, once
again, is more or less openly recognised in
youth-oriented materials, and blatantly
ignored in more widely circulated texts.
Cultural constraints are also in force
here, since while the American version of
BTA’s standard brochure does contain an
advertisement for its gay-oriented mate-rials,
this does not happen in its Spanish
counterparts where –it is to be assumed-homosexuality
is not quite so openly
treated. In any case, it is quite interesting
to see that whereas in some contexts ho-mosexuality
is presented as part of the
essence of what it means to be British, in
some others is quite simply concealed. If
to this we add that the representations of
homosexuality are always tamed, with a
marked tendency to diminish the refer-ences
to it in the latest, non-gay-oriented
texts, we must conclude that, for BTA,
homosexuality is not part of the essence
of Britishness but a reality which can be
profitably put into use in order to further
increase the British tourist industry.
Finally, we cannot help referring to
the attractions and heritage highlighted
in BTA materials. Once again, BTA’s
position is ambivalent. Although tradition
is featured, there is a strong tendency to
include new, postmodern attractions,
which evens out all kinds of regional dis-tinctiveness.
This could prove very useful
indeed if Cool Britannia is to impose a
new sense of unity on an otherwise frag-mented
kingdom.
In conclusion, then, the image of Brit-ain
BTA materials convey is not a unitary
one but rather a complex collage which
reflects, on the one hand, the traditional
image the English/British used to have of
themselves and, on the other, a new im-age,
that of Cool Britannia, currently
fighting to become hegemonic. But images
may distort reality (see Deriu, 2003), and
in this case –and in our opinion- they
conceal a situation of fragmentation and
division in British national identity. Brit-ishness,
so frequently despised as an Eng-lish
imperialistic invention, is now under
heavy revision but it is still far too early
to anticipate whether this new emerging
construct, Cool Britannia, will finally
succeed or, on the contrary, do more harm
than good to the hitherto called ‘United’
Kingdom.
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NOTES
1 Such materials are commonly referred to as
“tourist brochures” although we prefer the
label “info-promotional publications” (IPPs).
2 “In 2002 the nation will, moreover, join the
celebration of Elizabeth II’s Jubilee. The cele-brations
will reach their peak over the weekend
from 1 to 4 June. Can you think of any better
excuse than the 2002 events to come and ex-perience
them on the spot? We are looking
forward to seeing you soon” (our translation).
3 “If you are interested in historic houses, you
may visit Hampton Court, where Henry VII/
wooed his Queens, featuring splendid tapestries
and Tudor-style kitchens; or Kensington Palace,
where Queen Victoria was born and Princess
Diana used to live” (our translation).
4 “In London it is always Festival time, espe-cially
in 2002, when the Golden Jubilee will
commemorate the 50th anniversary of the
coronation of the Queen, with shows and
parades of great pomp and free concerts and
entertainment” (our translation).
5 “London is nowadays one of the best capi-tals
in the world as far as restaurants go.
Modern British cuisine combines the best of
English cooking with the finest elements
stolen from the world cuisine. London’s rich
cultural heritage means that you will be able
to enjoy the cuisine of over 60 different
countries. There are more than 7,000 restau-rants
in the city, so you can have sushi, rosti,
spaghetti or the 5 o’clock tea” (our translati-on).
6 “Charming market towns and quaint villa-ges
dot the English countryside while cities
like Swansea and Cardiff, the capital, are
thriving and vibrantly cosmopolitan, boas-ting
excellent shopping and the fabulous
impressionist collection at the National Mu-seum
and Gallery of Wales” (our translati-on).
7 Of course, ego-targeting is, so to speak, the
linguistic dimension of niche marketing, which
involves the segmentation of the overall market
population into smaller units, united around a
number of variables and characterised by com-mon
needs and, therefore, similar consumption
patterns. It must be understood that the language
sample above is just one of the many possibili-ties
across a varied spectrum. Thus, BTA also
targets the 55+ segment in another publication
(Time to travel) where ego-targeting has differ-ent
linguistic consequences. Here, a fairly for-mal
style can be found throughout, together
with the widespread use of euphemisms: BTA’s
Time to travel brochure is subtitled ‘A guide to
Britain for the mature visitor’. One section in it
is entitled ‘The veteran tourist’s London’. Need-less
to say, words such as ‘old’ or ‘elderly’ are
absolutely forbidden.
On the other hand, we must also add that age
segmenting is just one of the possibilities of
niche marketing. In fact, BTA also segments
according to the traveller’s personal hobbies
(Sporting Britain targets sports lovers) or
even sexual orientation (Britain inside & out
targets the gay and lesbian population), as
we shall soon see.
8 We shall use the term ‘gay’ to cover both
male and female homosexuality. We choose
this term because, although still preferably
used to refer to homosexual men, it is also
valid for women. At all events, statistics
seem to confirm that female homosexuality
is even less visible than its male counterpart
and, in the field of tourism, this means that
200 BTA’s Cool Britannia: ...
PASOS. Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, 4(2). 2006 ISSN 1695-7121
the lesbian niche is far smaller than male gay
tourism. This is interesting, since it could be
read as a sign that discrimination against
women exists even within the homosexual
community.
Recibido: 30 de mayo de 2005
Aceptado: 1 de diciembre de 2005
Sometido a evaluación por pares anónimos